Hillary Clinton has suggested any number of lame excuses for her loss to Donald Trump – including voter ID laws. But the evidence suggests otherwise.
Just last month, she chalked it up to “voter suppression” in Wisconsin. This spurious claim was a reference to the Badger State’s common-sense voter-ID law, which has been upheld by the courts. It followed on the heels of a tweet from Wisconsin’s Democratic senator, Tammy Baldwin, claiming the law had reduced voter turnout by 200,000 statewide.
Both claims relied on a study commissioned by Priorities USA Action and conducted by CIVIS USA, two liberal groups that actively supported Clinton’s presidential bid. Unfortunately for Clinton and Baldwin, though, the study has been roundly debunked. . . .
In short, there is no credible evidence that voter-ID laws have impeded turnout, especially among minorities and Democrats, as their opponents suggest.
A new election integrity law that includes a voter ID requirement and shortens the early voting period from 40 to 29 days was signed into law by Iowa Gov. Terry Branstad on Friday.
The bill, HF 516, requires voters to show identification at the polls beginning in 2019. If an individual cannot afford an identification card or does not have one, a card will be provided free of charge.
The law provides additional submission guidelines for third-party voter registration organizers and establishes requirements for post-election audits and referring illegal votes to local law enforcement. The law also adjusts the absentee voting period to 29 days before an election and creates an electronic poll book to identify felon status.
Iowa Secretary of State Paul Pate said the bill isn’t just about preventing voter fraud, but also modernizing the state’s election processes and managing voter information.
A voting reform bill that includes a photo voter ID requirement passed Iowa’s legislature and is expected to be signed into law by Republican Gov. Terry Branstad.
The measure, introduced by Secretary of State Paul Pate (R), will require voters to show one of five forms of state-issued identification when they show up at the polls. Among the forms of identification poll workers will accept: A driver’s license, a non-driver’s license identification, a U.S. passport or military identification card or a special voter verification card that every voter will receive in the mail.
If voters don’t show an identification, they would be permitted to fill out a provisional ballot before signing an affidavit attesting to their identification.
The bill also reduces the number of early voting days from 40 to 29, eliminates straight-party voting, provides money for counties to buy electronic poll books, and mandates election audits.
An actual lack of a state approved photo ID kept virtually no one from turning out to vote in 2016.
Photo voter ID requirements don’t prevent eligible voters from voting. That’s the unsurprising (to anyone who pays attention to such things) result of a study of voter participation in two Texas battlegrounds in the 2016 general election.
The Texas Voter ID Law and the 2016 Election: A Study of Harris County and Congressional District 23, out of the University of Houston Hobby School of Public Affairs, found that non-voters in the two jurisdictions had the required photo voter ID – most stayed away from the polls because they just didn’t like the candidates.
Virtually all registered voters in Harris County and CD-23 who did not participate in the November 2016 election possessed one of the state approved forms of photo ID needed to cast a vote in person. . . . when pressed to give the principal reason why they did not cast a ballot in 2016, only 1.5% and 0.5% of non-voters in Harris County and CD-23 identified a lack of a state-approved photo ID as the principal reason they did not vote.
Among this handful of non-voters, 86% actually possessed an approved form of photo ID, while 14% did not. While the photo ID law at least partially discouraged some people from voting, an actual lack of a state approved photo ID kept virtually no one (only one non-voter among the 819 surveyed) from turning out to vote in 2016.
Any eligible Texas voters without an accepted form of photo ID were able to vote in that election by signing a reasonable impediment declaration and showing non-photo identification, a temporary remedy imposed by the courts that the Texas Legislature is working to make a permanent part of the law this session.
Arkansas has enacted a new, improved voter ID law:
Under the new law, a voter who does not show photo ID at his or her polling place may cast a provisional ballot. The voter will be given the option of signing a sworn statement that the voter is who he or she claims to be, and if that option is chosen the county clerk will compare the signature to the signature on the voter registration card issued to that person to see if they match and the ballot should be counted.
Alternatively, a voter casting a provisional ballot may choose to show photo ID to the county clerk or county election board before noon on the Monday after the election to have the ballot counted.
The law also requires that a copy of a voter’s photo ID be submitted with an absentee ballot. It allows an absentee voter to sign a statement that could be used to verify the person’s identity if no photo ID is submitted.
The Arkansas Secretary of State’s Office would be required to provide for the issuance of voter identification cards with photos to registered voters who request them from their county clerk. The cards would be issued free of charge.
This is a model other states should follow: affidavit voters given provisional ballots that are verified before being counted, an ID requirement for mail ballots, and free photo IDs for voters who need them.
“Photo identification is necessary in order to ensure legitimacy in our elections.”
Add West Virginia to the list of states considering commonsense legislation to make elections more secure.
HB 2781 requires photo voter identification, allows voters without an accepted photo ID to sign an affidavit and vote a provisional ballot that will be counted if the signature is verified by election officials, and ends the state’s automatic voter registration of driver’s license applicants.
Under this bill, voters will present one of the forms of ID to a poll clerk, and the clerk will verify that the name on the ID matches the name on the voter registration card.
Delegate Saira Blair, R-Berkeley, the bill’s lead sponsor, said the law would put West Virginia more in line with other states.
The bill includes exceptions for voters living in state licensed care facilities and those with religious objections to being photographed, as well as provisions for providing free photo voter ID cards.
HB 2781 also authorizes West Virginia’s Division of Motor Vehicles to share the U.S. citizenship status of voluntarily-registering license applicants with the Secretary of State, who will forward the information to county clerks to help keep non-citizens off the state’s voter rolls.
Remember all those headlines last month touting a study that “proved” voter ID laws are racist and suppress minority voter turnout? They were wrong:
A new study by professors from Yale, Stanford, and the University of Pennsylvania challenges the notion that voter ID laws disproportionately affect minorities.
The new study finds “no definitive relationship” between tough laws requiring voters to present identification and a dropoff in Hispanic, black, and other minority turnout.
The study comes as a response to another one, published and widely reported in January, that asserted states with voter ID laws drive down turnout on Election Day, particularly among Hispanics. That earlier study, conducted by professors from the University of San Diego and Bucknell University, often is cited by liberal opponents of voter ID laws.
How did the earlier work of Hajnal, Lajevardi, and Nielson get it so wrong? From the new study by Grimmer et al:
Here, we show that the results of this paper are a product of large data inaccuracies, that the evidence does not support the stated conclusion, and that model specifications produce highly variable results. When errors in the analysis are corrected, one can recover positive, negative, or null estimates of the effect of voter ID laws on turnout. Our findings underscore that no definitive relationship between strict voter ID laws and turnout can be established from the validated CCES data.
Opponents of voter ID and other commonsense election integrity reforms enacted by Wisconsin’s Republican-led Legislature didn’t fare well in federal court last week.
A skeptical Seventh Circuit panel was “harshly critical of a federal judge’s finding that Wisconsin’s voter ID law discriminates against black voters” and found “little direct evidence to support ruling the law unconstitutional.”
At oral arguments Friday morning, a Seventh Circuit panel asked virtually no questions of Wisconsin Chief Deputy Solicitor General Ryan Walsh, who argued that the state provides its citizens with the “most generous, voter-friendly system in the nation.”
But U.S. Circuit Judge Frank Easterbrook grilled plaintiff One Wisconsin’s attorney Bruce Spiva.
“The Supreme Court has said that knowledge of disparate impact does not prove discriminatory intent,” Easterbrook said, expressing his doubt that the nonprofit carried its burden of proof.
Arguments against the state’s early voting rules didn’t go over any better with the panel.
[Easterbrook] said those challenging Wisconsin’s voting laws were contending that Democrats can expand voting rules to help their party at the polls but Republicans can’t tighten them to their advantage.
“That can’t be right,” he said during arguments in a pair of Wisconsin cases.
His colleagues on the panel — Judges Michael Kanne and Diane Sykes — showed they had just as many doubts about lower court rulings that struck down voting rules set by GOP Gov. Scott Walker and Republican lawmakers.
It’s a new day at the DOJ:
The Department of Justice under President Donald Trump will support Texas officials’ claim that the state’s voter identification law did not specifically target minority voters, retreating from the federal government’s previous stance that state lawmakers intentionally discriminated when crafting the law.
The case will be back in U.S. District Court Tuesday.
Judge Nelva Gonzales Ramos denied a joint request last week from DOJ and Texas Attorney General Ken Paxton to postpone the February 28 hearing while the Texas Legislature considers a bill amending its voter ID law. SB5 would incorporate affidavit provisions that Judge Ramos ordered the state to use in the November 2016 election.
The Arkansas House approved a photo voter ID requirement in the form of a proposed constitutional amendment, passing House Joint Resolution 1016 by a 73-21 vote.
The proposal, if referred to the November 2018 ballot and approved by voters, would amend the Arkansas Constitution to include among the qualifications to vote a requirement that a person show photo ID before casing a ballot in person and include photo ID when mailing an absentee ballot.
HJR 1016 has been referred to the Senate.
Another bill requiring photo identification when voting in person or by mail, House Bill 1047, also passed the House and the Senate Committee on State Agencies and Governmental Affairs.