Author Archives: J Christian Adams

Election Law: Game the Definition; Game the Debate


The battles over voter ID and other election-integrity issues suffer from a common and inconvenient hang-up: the combatants don’t fight on the same territory. The conversation participants don’t speak the same language and the terms employed don’t mean the same thing to their users and interpreters.  You would think that because the debate involves a legal battle as much as a political one there would be some consensus on the stakes and parameters of the fight.


Alas, that is not so.


 The definitions advanced to attack or defend a position are just more rhetorical arrows in the quiver.  One can win the argument before it begins simply by controlling the definitions.


 Consider the fight over the existence of voter fraud. Opponents of voter ID and other restrictions argue that voter fraud does not exist, and that voter ID is a solution in search of a problem.  Proponents disagree.  Opponents, however, make their claim by first narrowing what qualifies as voter fraud. They define voter fraud as, essentially, successful criminal prosecutions for in-person voter impersonation at the polls. Such fraud only occurs when a wrongdoer is caught and successfully prosecuted for pretending to be someone else at the polls.


Ignoring for the moment the potentially faulty logic (impersonation fraud is not a problem because prosecutions are rare, and prosecutions are rare because voter fraud it is not a problem), the narrow definition still suffers from at least two major problems: (1) the general public—including most lawmakers—have something broader in mind when thinking about “voter” or “election” fraud; and (2) absent a way to check identification, it is almost impossible to recognize (much less prosecute) impersonation fraud.


To be fair, the opponents can rely on their limited definition by noting that ID laws will only guard against impersonation fraud. But the limits of voter ID laws are not so well settled. Plus, lay audiences will likely miss the winnowed meaning. 


What’s more (and more important), opponents are not so restrictive when it comes to other claims that they make.  They certainly don’t limit instances of alleged voter suppression to successful prosecutions of vote suppressors only. They don’t restrict instances of alleged voter intimidation to actual criminal intimidators. They also don’t justify campaign finance restrictions on widespread convictions for quid pro quo corruption.  In those instances, criminal prosecutions of established crimes are not a required element to the claim.


 Put simply, opponents of voter ID narrow the definition of voter fraud as much as possible while simultaneously broadening the definitions of voter suppression. Doing so allows them two rhetorical attacks at voter ID: voter fraud never occurs; and voter-ID causes widespread vote suppression. To opponents, the laws fail one or both of the two attacks.


Fortunately, definitional game playing works better in the political area than in the legal one, as voter ID opponents repeatedly rediscover in court.


 

South Carolina closing arguments on voter ID law set

Key nugget at a review of the evidence @ MyrtleBeachOnline:


In a highly unusual move, the three judges asked South Carolina’s lawyers to respond to eight written post-trial questions clarifying how state officials would implement the law. The judges’ questions indicated the frustration they’d expressed in skeptical questions at the trial over the state’s changing positions.

“Can we then expect that there will not be new facts and new interpretations of (the voter ID law) and its implementation that will be offered during the course of the briefing (Monday) or through Attorney General (Wilson) opinions or any other methods?” the judges asked in one of the post-trial questions. Lawyers for South Carolina provided a succinct response.

“The state does not intend to present any facts or interpretations inconsistent with Ms. Andino’s testimony,” they wrote.

Read more here: DoJ Double Standard on New Hampshire photo ID .  Instead, DoJ defaulted to left-wing ideology and partisan considerations in finding a way, any way, to try to block the law.  The lack of objectivity resulted in two objections to the South Carolina law, a delay of a year, for a law that should receive preclearance by the court. 

“Voter ID: Close elections drive amendment battle in Minnesota”

A dozen years ago, proving who you were at the polls wasn’t a big issue.  But then came the presidential election of 2000, which spotlighted mechanical
and other flaws in Florida’s vote-counting system and ended with the U.S.
Supreme Court intervening to declare a winner.  That high-stakes drama touched off a re-examination of election processes and
led several states over the next decade to tighten ID requirements to reduce the
possibility of fraud.


By 2011, voter ID was “the hottest topic of legislation in the field of
elections,” according to the National Conference of State Legislatures. In Minnesota, voters in November will be deciding whether to move from having
no voter ID requirement to adopting one of the strictest in the nation.  In 2001, only 14 states even asked for ID — and it was a request, not a
requirement. Since 2001, nearly 1,000 voter ID bills have been introduced in a total of 46
states. Thirty-three states have passed voter ID laws, and at least 30 will be
in place for November’s election.

Link to full story at the Pioneer Press.

Hinds County, Mississippi lawsuit: “Race used improperly in redistricting”

The Hinds County Republican Party and the county’s only white
supervisor are suing four black county supervisors, charging race was
used improperly as a factor in redrawing district voting lines.
The
lawsuit, filed Wednesday in U.S. District Court in Jackson, claims the
majority-black Hinds County Board of Supervisors used “impermissible
racial considerations” when redrawing district lines.
The redistricting plan for the supervisors was adopted in February 2011.


The lawsuit claims that George Smith, who was then president of the
Hinds County Board of Supervisors, admitted to Pete Perry, the county
Republican Party’s chairman, that race was the consideration in drawing
new district lines for black voting populations.


“Look Pete, this
is a black county, we have black leadership, we are going to hire black
people, and elect black people. Get over it,” Smith said, according to
the lawsuit.

AP reporting in the Sacramento Bee.

Read more here: http://www.sacbee.com/2012/09/20/4839445/lawsuit-race-used-improperly-in.html#storylink=cpy